The Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) general assembly held over the weekend went just as expected: leaders on stage portrayed the party as the “savior of the nation,” while chaos broke out among the delegates over who should be president—a scene that ended up looking like a farce.

Bersatu has long carried the image of a gathering place for disillusioned politicians looking for a new platform. Each paints himself as a capable and charismatic leader.

They may not blush when looking in the mirror, but others feel embarrassed on their behalf.

Earlier, former Umno Selangor Menteri Besar Dr Mohamad Khir Toyo announced joining Bersatu. His biggest mission is to team up with another former Selangor MB, Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali and former Umno strongman Tan Sri Noh Omar, in an attempt to win Selangor from Pakatan Harapan in the next state election.

But does Dr Khir really have the political influence and the ability to shake PH’s entrenched position in Selangor?

What “political legacy” did Dr Khir leave behind in Selangor?

Younger voters may not know, but those who witnessed the crushing defeat of Umno in Selangor would never forget Dr Khir’s mansion.

As the Selangor Menteri Besar, Dr Khir abused his office by acquiring two plots of land from a company below market value to build a lavish “palace.” In return, the company received his endorsement when bidding for state contracts.

Dr Khir was later charged with corruption and ended up in jail.

Another “masterpiece” Selangor voters remember is Dr Khir’s infamous “broom award.”

He presented brooms to underperforming local councils as a reminder to improve their services, but in reality humiliating public servants.

Since civil servants were Umno’s core supporters, would they still vote for the party after such humiliation?

Can a disgraced politician with a tarnished reputation make a comeback and win voter support?

These political stains remain in Selangor voters’ memory.

Now that Dr Khir has returned to politics, can he really escape his past and earn public trust?

His old comrades in Umno don’t take his “high-profile comeback” seriously. Dr Khir, however, insists Umno will remain subservient to PH.

From his perspective, compared with Bersatu, Umno no longer has the ability to form a Malay-dominated state government. But isn’t current government of Selangor already led by a Malay leader?

A chronic illness of Malaysian politics is that once some Malay politicians lose power, they immediately resort to race-based rhetoric to stir emotions, instead of making progress or reflection.

Dr Khir, who is 60 years old now, Noh Omar, 67 and Azmin, 61, together look like a “return of the old guards.”

In contrast, current Selangor MB Datuk Seri Amirudin Shari, born in the 1980s, represents a more contemporary and approachable leadership.

It can be foreseen that voters will lean toward supporting leaders of Amirudin’s generation.

Judging from the 2023 Selangor election results, a “green wave” was rising in rural seats and waning Malay support for PH.

As long as Bersatu remains divided and PAS continues to dominate, non-Malays will never see PN as an inclusive coalition. Not even roping in MCA and MIC will save the day!

Against such a backdrop, an Azmin–Khir–Noh alliance could indeed give Perikatan Nasional (PN) a shot of adrenaline, strengthening or expanding its rural influence—something PH cannot afford to ignore.

Yet in urban mixed constituencies and among middle-class voters, the trio’s appeal is much weaker.

Expecting them to capture Selangor under PN ticket would be an uphill battle.

Urban middle-class voters want strong, innovative leaders who can inspire change. They look for figures who truly embody reform. If PN is to win Selangor, it must present more convincing arguments; relying on veterans only leads to regression and stagnation.

In politics, personal charisma matters, but the real test lies in uniting the grassroots, winning voters’ hearts, and resolving internal rivalries.

Dr Khir’s entry into Bersatu and alliance with Noh Omar reflect a willingness to put aside past Umno feuds to pursue a shared goal: defeating the PH–BN coalition.

They clearly realize that in today’s fluid political climate, compromise and cooperation are essential for victory.

Likewise, the cooperation between PH and Umno (BN) must also be built on compromise and trust, aimed at consolidating power and holding Selangor.

Though some supporters view such cross-coalition collaboration as “blurring the line between friend and foe,” in the bigger picture, it may be the practical step needed to maintain stability and governance.

Judging from the muted public response to Dr Khir’s “grand return,” the news didn’t stir much excitement beyond political circles. This suggests ordinary voters don’t harbor high hopes about his comeback.

Moreover, Dr Khir’s entry into Bersatu and alliance with Azmin cannot ignore the ongoing “palace coup” plots brewing within the party.

He may have boarded the wrong ship, made the wrong calculation, and ended up ruin.

Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin still dreams of becoming PM again, claiming PN is a “government-in-waiting,” but anonymous circulating letters allege that opposition leader Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin is plotting to oust him.

With leaders scheming against one another and resorting to race politics repeatedly while lacking real policy blueprints, the future of Bersatu looks bleak.

Whether Bersatu can take power remains uncertain, but with infighting already surfacing, how can one believe it is fit to be an alternative government?

Under such circumstances, Dr Khir’s dream of reclaiming Selangor is nothing more than a dream—let alone capturing Putrajaya.

As long as Bersatu remains divided and PAS continues to dominate, non-Malays will never see PN as an inclusive coalition. Not even roping in MCA and MIC will save the day!