The three new chief justices have been named and Tan Sri Ahmad Terriruddin Mohd Salleh is not in the list. Bar Council welcomes the appointment while Rafizi Ramli can take a break from firing salvo. As a result, the anti-Anwar sentiment cools down, narrowly avoiding a political crisis.

Probably relieved, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim fired a shot much later by saying that he had never nominated Terriruddin. The claims made by outsiders were baseless but a politically-motivated by the legal fraternity.

Is this really the case? People know the truth.

What Anwar failed to explain is why the government delayed addressing the brewing storm over judicial appointments. Terriruddin was widely speculated to be the preferred candidate, yet he never responded to the rumours. A leaked JAC (Judicial Appointments Commission) meeting record showed someone had indeed nominated Terriruddin and the government never denied the authenticity of the documents.

This time, the government did not nominate Terriruddin.

However, if the Bar Council did not initiate the “Walk for judicial independence”, disclosure by Rafizi and the public outcry, things might have gone differently.

With Datuk Wan Ahmad Farid Wan Salleh elevated to Chief Justice of the Federal Court, the public has largely reacted positively, reflecting that Terriruddin was broadly unacceptable. Anwar followed the public sentiment—better to turn around before going over the cliff.

But surviving this judicial crisis doesn’t mean Anwar is out of the woods.

He now faces five major crises that trap him:

1. Oppositions unite – July 26 rally looms

The “Turun Anwar” rally on July 26 is shaping up to be more than just a comic-book-style doomsday stunt like the one on July 5. It could be a political tsunami.

The oppositions, previously divided by factions as one is suspicious and sabotage each other, have now reconciled. Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia and PAS have reunited plus the 100-year-old Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, are pushing a large-scale anti-Anwar campaign.

Muhyiddin is also engaging with parties he rarely dealt with before, including MUDA, the Socialist Party, P. Ramasamy’s Urimai Party, and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party—clearly trying to appeal to non-Malay groups.

A recent rally packed the Sultan Abdul Halim Stadium in Alor Setar. Even if not the 30,000 crowd claimed by PAS, photos suggest over 10,000 people.

Given this momentum, the July 26 rally could be even larger, further fueling the anti-Anwar wave—and Anwar is in a tight spot.

2. UMNO leverages on Najib’s clemency addendum

The Attorney-General’s Chambers recently admitted in court that the royal addendum for Najib does exist—forcing Anwar to face the issue head-on.

The 160 Umno division chiefs convened and unanimously demanded the government enforce the addendum, allowing Najib to serve his sentence at home. This made UMNO’s collective stance clear. Even Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi who tries to protect Anwar, is now in a tough position.

Some political observers believe Zahid himself orchestrated this. Given his control over UMNO, the division chiefs wouldn’t act without his directive or approval.

If Anwar doesn’t compromise with UMNO, the Unity Government’s stability—and cooperation in future state and general elections—could be in jeopardy. UMNO appears increasingly unwilling to continue electoral alliances with Pakatan Harapan, threatening Anwar’s hold on the premiership.

3. Rafizi challenges Anwar – PKR faces split

Rafizi is serious—and his actions are significant. The judicial appointment issue escalated from controversy to crisis largely due to him, and he has no intention of backing down.

Even after the appointment of the Chief Justices, Rafizi continues pushing for judicial reform—calling to expand JAC’s authority and reduce the Prime Minister’s power to appoint its members.

Within PKR, Anwar’s faction is losing patience with Rafizi. They’re calling for action against his group—the so-called “9 Samurai.”

Many divisions have publicly demanded the suspension of their party memberships.

But Anwar knows that suspending them could worsen internal strife and generate public sympathy for Rafizi. If the “9 Samurai” are forced to resign, by-elections would follow—and PKR could lose those seats.

Yet allowing them to remain essentially creates a “two systems within one party”—not much different from a split.

4. DAP and Anwar can’t escape from Teoh Beng Hock’s case

DAP is the most reliable ally for Anwar, but the handling of the Teoh Beng Hock case by DAP has left it unable to answer to the Teoh family. This has triggered widespread criticism from the Chinese community. Since joining the government, the public image of DAP has reached the lowest point.

The deterioration of Teoh Beng Hock’s case cannot be entirely dissociated from Anwar. As Prime Minister, he has the authority to direct the Attorney-General, Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission, and the police to reopen investigations and pursue prosecution. Without his initiative, nothing moves.

Choosing not to act has enraged the Teoh family and many in the Chinese community. The ongoing dissatisfaction with the case has deepened Chinese disappointment in DAP—and further eroded their confidence in Anwar.

5. SST & cost of living pressures

The much-hyped “surprise” Anwar teased on Facebook has yet to materialise. The public, while waiting, is growing restless and frustrated.

This reflects the current economic gloom since the SST (Sales and Services Tax) expansion. The cost of living has risen, and people are increasingly desperate for meaningful government aid.

But how much financial capacity does the government really have to ease public hardship? And can “sugar-coated” cash handouts really solve deeper structural economic issues?

These five pressing issues, if left unresolved, could escalate into full-blown crises that entrap Anwar completely. Unless he launches bold and sweeping reforms, he will remain cornered in Putrajaya and his future is full of uncertainties.