Not long ago, corruption was something Malaysians whispered about behind closed doors, something they hoped was an anomaly rather than a permanent fixture of our political system.
Today, it no longer raises eyebrows – it barely even shocks us.
When news breaks of yet another corruption scandal, the reaction is often a resigned sigh rather than outrage.
It’s a grim reality. A troubling number of Malaysia’s prime ministers have faced allegations or been entangled in financial scandals or abuse of power.
High-profile convictions like that of Najib Razak over the 1MDB scandal, along with corruption allegations involving leaders such as Muhyiddin Yassin and Ismail Sabri Yaakob, demonstrate how corruption continues to thrive among high-level leaders.
Instead of serving as a warning, these cases have become part of a predictable cycle: disgraced leaders return, institutions remain weak, and public anger fades.
Corruption is no longer just a governance problem – it has become embedded in the system.
But how did we reach a point where corruption keeps winning? The answer is unsettling: elite protectionism, selective justice, political financing loopholes, and a society that has, over time, normalised corruption as something we simply have to live with.
The elite monopoly: Corruption as a survival strategy
Corruption in Malaysia isn’t just about personal greed – it is a survival strategy.
Those in power use state resources to consolidate control, reward allies, and silence dissent. This patronage network ensures that money politics – not merit or public service – dictates who stays in power.
This isn’t unique to Malaysia. Around the world, corruption thrives where the system allows it.
In Russia, political elites use state wealth to maintain their grip on power, ensuring loyalty through financial rewards and selective law enforcement. In Brazil, the Lava Jato (Car Wash) investigation exposed a massive bribery scheme involving politicians across party lines, but even after major convictions, corruption networks adapted and remained intact.
Malaysia follows a similar pattern. Scandals emerge, some individuals are investigated and at times prosecuted, but the system remains fundamentally unchanged.
The political elite continue to control the levers of justice, ensuring that corruption trials are as much about political power plays as they are about accountability.
What makes corruption here particularly insidious is that it often serves political interests.
Anti-corruption crackdowns tend to be selective, targeting opposition figures while those in power seem to enjoy greater protection.
This has contributed to a widespread perception that corruption isn’t just a failure of governance – it’s also a political weapon, used not to uphold justice, but to remove rivals.
Why anti-corruption efforts keep failing
Malaysia has no shortage of anti-corruption campaigns. The National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2024-2028 is the latest effort, following the National Anti-Corruption Plan 2019-2023.
The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) continues to take action on various cases. But despite these initiatives, corruption remains widespread.
One major reason is the lack of true institutional independence.
The MACC, judiciary, and enforcement agencies often operate under political pressure, leading to selective prosecution and inconsistent rulings.
Compare this to South Korea, where former President Park Geun-hye was impeached and sentenced to 22 years in prison for corruption. The conviction sent a strong message that no leader is above the law.
In Malaysia, however, the legal system remains vulnerable to political influence, allowing those accused of corruption to manoeuvre their way back into power.
Another major failure is the absence of strict political financing laws.
Without transparency, political parties and candidates receive undisclosed funds from corporations and foreign donors, ensuring that money, rather than integrity, dictates who stays in power.
Countries like Germany and Canada have stringent laws requiring full disclosure of political donations. Malaysia, however, lags behind, allowing corruption to thrive in a legal grey area.
Beyond legal loopholes, Malaysia suffers from a culture of impunity. Convicted leaders rarely become political outcasts. Instead, they are often rehabilitated into the system through legal manoeuvring or public sympathy.
This sends a dangerous message: corruption isn’t a career-ending crime – it’s just a temporary setback.
When voters no longer believe in the possibility of clean governance, they may vote based on ethnicity, ideology, or short-term economic gains rather than integrity. This further entrenches the political elite, allowing corruption to continue unchecked.
Public apathy: When corruption becomes normal
Perhaps the most troubling reason corruption keeps winning is that Malaysians have, over time, stopped believing it can be defeated.
Scandals that once triggered mass protests now barely register as shocking.
The 1MDB scandal was one of the biggest financial crimes in global history, yet today, there is little sustained public pressure for deeper reforms.
The phrase “all politicians are corrupt” has become a convenient excuse for inaction, reinforcing the idea that nothing can be done.
This normalisation of corruption weakens democracy. When voters no longer believe in the possibility of clean governance, they may vote based on ethnicity, ideology, or short-term economic gains rather than integrity.
This further entrenches the political elite, allowing corruption to continue unchecked.
But corruption isn’t just a political issue – it affects everyday life.
Public funds that could be used for schools, hospitals, and infrastructure are instead funnelled into private bank accounts.
Corruption distorts economic priorities, leading to wasteful projects that benefit a select few rather than the public.
Investors hesitate to engage with a country known for corruption, leading to slower economic growth and fewer opportunities for ordinary Malaysians.
The future of Malaysia’s leadership: A crossroads
Malaysia stands at a defining moment. We can continue down this path, where corruption remains an expected feature of leadership, or we can take decisive action to restore accountability.
This isn’t just about passing new laws – it’s about fundamentally changing the way power is exercised and how justice is delivered.
Anti-corruption agencies must be made truly independent, free from political interference.
Political financing must be reformed to prevent money from dictating governance. Corruption laws must be applied fairly, without bias or political motivation.
But laws and institutions alone won’t solve the problem. Change must also come from the public.
Malaysians must reject the normalisation of corruption. Public outrage must be sustained – not just when scandals break, but every time corruption threatens democracy and public welfare.
Education must also play a long-term role. Integrity and ethics should be integrated into school curricula to ensure that future generations see corruption for what it is: a crime, not a norm.
We must ask ourselves: Are we truly willing to fight corruption, or have we already surrendered to it? The truth is, corruption will keep winning as long as we allow it to.
The moment we stop accepting it, stop voting for it, and stop excusing it, the system will begin to crack.
The fight against corruption isn’t just for politicians or institutions – it’s for all of us.
The real question is: Will we keep losing, or will we finally fight back?
(Khoo Ying Hooi, PhD, is an Associate Professor of International Relations and Human Rights at Universiti Malaya. Her work spans human rights research, diplomacy, and policy engagement across ASEAN and Timor-Leste, along with active contributions in editorial and advisory capacities.)
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