In the past two state elections, Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN) played a very pragmatic and realistic political war game—and both came out victorious each time.

Meanwhile, Pakatan Harapan (PH), Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), and Parti Bersama Malaysia have been playing an isolated solo game, achieving little to nothing.

Who is being smarter? BN and PN, of course.

Who are the worst candidates to govern Malaysia? BN and PN, undoubtedly.

Who are the better choices to govern Malaysia? Bersama and PH, naturally.

But who are playing the dumbest game in Malaysian electoral politics? PH and Bersama, without a doubt.

The leaders of BN—barring a few provocative voices like Datuk Dr Muhamad Akmal Saleh—do not truly trust PAS. However, they recognise that BN and Umno are currently too weak to head into battle alone.

They need a partnership to project strength and position themselves as the top dog, even if it means throwing tidbits to a desperate PAS and PN.

This is BN and Umno’s operational narrative.

On the PN side, the coalition knows it cannot mount a credible fight in the west coast states if it goes at it alone—split votes between PN and BN would destroy both. BN understands this and PN grasps it just as clearly.

Thus, PN chooses to be pragmatic: it is willing to play second fiddle for now, keeping its eyes on the larger prize in GE16—sharing seats in parliament as well as in key states like Perak and Selangor. PN has chosen to play it smart.

What about PH? PH knows it cannot win against a united BN+PN combo. Consequently, PH claims it is willing to cooperate with any party that refrains from using racial and religious rhetoric to harvest votes. The only viable parties left for PH to ally with are Bersatu, Bersama, and Ikatan Demokratik Malaysia (MUDA).

Bersatu lacks internal strength and has long relied on PAS, yet it retains a distinct Malay identity. It also features seasoned figures like Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali, a formidable political operative.

The primary baggage with Bersatu remains Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin’s ongoing court cases and the lingering resentment over their 2020 betrayal of PH.

As for Bersama, its main drawing card is hands-down Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli. Without Rafizi’s star power, few would give the party a second glance. Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad remains in Rafizi’s shadow and lacks similar political charisma, while Wong Chen acts largely as a side player.

The trouble with Rafizi is his own ego, which remains stubbornly set against Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and PH for “betraying” him.

Bersama’s fundamental flaw is the delusion that it can win entirely on its own—an outcome virtually impossible in Malaysian politics. The idea that Bersama is an untainted party capable of rejecting old-style coalition politics is wholly unrealistic.

Look at Parti Wawasan Negara: a far younger entity than Rafizi’s Bersama, yet it managed to secure seats in Negeri Sembilan. Why? Because Wawasan leaned on PAS’s grassroots machinery.

Bersatu once did the exact same thing—it first rode on PH’s strength and Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad ’s charisma before pivoting to exploit PAS’s popularity and election machinery. Bersama can keep fooling its supporters with grassroots fundraising, but it will never secure meaningful electoral victories as long as DAP remains in PH.

Even DAP failed when it tried going solo; it only made significant strides after forming strategic alliances with PAS and PKR.

MUDA, meanwhile, currently lacks clear leadership, direction and charisma. Its founding icon, Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman, is no longer at the helm, and Amira Aisya Abdul Aziz is simply no match for his reach. MUDA has shown little presence on digital media and lacks even a basic ceramah truck like the one operated by Rafizi’s Bersama.

Malaysians who reject the use of race and religion in politics have no choice but to demand that PH, Bersatu, Bersama, and MUDA join forces to halt the BN+PN march. This is a battle progressive Malaysians cannot afford to lose, and the fight must begin in Melaka.

Melaka serves as a microcosm of Malaysia. If well-meaning citizens urge voters across all communities to turn out, there is a genuine chance to push back against the tide of conservatism and majoritarianism.

Strategic regional coalitions like Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) understand the implicit threat posed by PAS and Umno; neither wants an extremist or corrupt Malay-centric hegemony running the country.

It is up to ordinary Malaysians who cherish the multiracial vision of our founding fathers to act. We must organise as a Third Force and pressure parties like PH, Bersatu, Bersama, and MUDA to negotiate a sensible seat-sharing agreement in Melaka—perhaps along a 40:20:20:20 ratio, giving PH 40% to account for its three component parties, and 20% each to the remaining three allies.

We must urge these leaders to bury their egos, set aside past grievances, and focus on the common threat. If we fall into the trap of “preserving integrity at all costs” or clinging to rigid principles without political context, the battle is lost before it begins—and there will be no point in turning out to vote.

We are in a do-or-die moment for the nation.