The Democratic Action Party (DAP) has announced that a total of 70 candidates are vying for 30 central executive committee positions in party polls.

While this seems intense, it is much more moderate compared to the previous election which saw 90 candidates.

The focus of the party election this year is on Lim Guan Eng. From his time as a powerful and influential Secretary-General to Chairman, he now faces an uphill battle just to secure a spot in the central executive committee.

This illustrates the unpredictable nature of politics within the party – every moment counts, and three years is too long.

For party insiders, this situation is not entirely unexpected and can be traced back to an overlooked news event previously.

This was actually the backdrop of undercurrents before the last party election in 2022.

It was only months later, after listening to the account from those involved, that we realised we had missed such a dramatic story.

Why wasn’t it reported at that time? Had the news been exclusively released then, it would have clashed with the post-election atmosphere of unity within the party.

Furthermore, with the entire nation closely watching when Parliament would be dissolved, such a report could have been misconstrued as a deliberate attempt to sabotage the DAP before the general election.

After the general election, the DAP emerged as the winner, with many of its leaders returning to government positions.

Revisiting the past no longer seemed timely – until now, with the party election approaching. Thus, we will provide a brief account while omitting specific names.

This past incident is not unrelated to the current “God’s downfall” phenomenon. Before the last party election, seven elite leaders, known as the “G7”, had individually attempted to persuade Guan Eng not to contest the chairmanship. One of the major concerns was his entanglement in the Penang undersea tunnel court case.

The “G7” was not a united front but rather a group of leaders who independently reached the same conclusion.

Among them were four state chairpersons and three former ministers or deputy ministers, all of whom were once close allies – or even protégés – of Guan Eng.

Yet, for the greater good (a commonly used strategy but not always effective), they unanimously advised him to step aside for the sake of DAP and the broader Pakatan Harapan election strategy.

Despite their efforts, Guan Eng was not swayed. Some discussions even turned confrontational, with former close allies breaking ties at the negotiation table.

While Guan Eng ultimately retained his position as a central executive committee member, only one of the three former ministers/deputy ministers survived the election, while the other two were ousted.

Among those who lost was Ong Kian Meng, who only openly admitted on a podcast in February 2024 that he had lost due to Guan Eng’s dissatisfaction with his perceived “betrayal” and had directed the Penang division not to vote for him.

With Loke Siew Fook taking over as Secretary-General, Guan Eng still secured the chairmanship. However, after the general election, his on-going legal troubles prevented him from joining the new cabinet.

Nevertheless, as party Chairman, he remained part of the powerful five-member candidate selection committee, maintaining considerable influence.

If Guan Eng insists to hold on to power, it would be tough for Nga Kor Ming and Anthony Loke to achieve their vision of a “golden decade” for DAP.

The rift within the party became evident during the 2023 Penang state election candidate selection process.

Guan Eng used his usual assertive approach to edge out Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow’s faction, leading to a public fallout.

The situation further escalated when Guan Eng’s associate in business circle, Tan Sri Tan Kok Ping, openly challenged Chow’s governance, even resorted to taking legal action.

Many believe this was not unrelated to Guan Eng.

In the Penang DAP state election last year, Loke endorsed the “Sim-Lim pair” (Steven Sim and Lim Hui Ying) while announcing that Chow would remain Chief Minister until the end of his term.

However, the election results told a different story – former executive councillor Datuk Seri Phee Boon Poh, Sim and veteran Lay Hock Peng’s faction secured the majority of the 15 state committee positions, while Hui Ying, who ranked 4th in 2021, dropped to the 4th last position.

This was seen as a clear response from Penang party members, showing their dissatisfaction with Guan Eng’s perceived ruthless and authoritarian approach towards Chow.

As the party election approaches, Guan Eng and his sister Hui Ying have been attending events together, invoking their family’s past sacrifices, including their father Lim Kit Siang’s imprisonment, to garner sympathy. However, the effectiveness of this strategy remains uncertain.

Politics is harsh; people care about the future, not the past.

History has shown that past achievements and sacrifices do not always translate into continued support, otherwise the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) would not have suffered such a drastic decline despite its role in securing the country’s independence.

Similarly, the once highly influential Parti Semangat 46, backed by Malaysia’s first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, would not have dissolved.

Still, it is rare to see Guan Eng softening his traditionally arrogant and authoritative stance.

Unfortunately, his die-hard aide Tan Khong Chong publicly called Penang state chairman Sim a “traitor” at an event deemed as inappropriate.

Such display of arrogance from a loyalist can be genuine but intimidating as this episode raises concerns whether Guan Eng would seek revenge on those who opposed him if he regains power.

This backfired spectacularly, embarrassing both Tan and Guan Eng.

Objectively speaking, Guan Eng’s influence in the party is waning. However, he remains one of the few DAP leaders willing to speak out on sensitive issues. This gives some weight to the argument for “preserving the God,” as many other DAP leaders hesitate to take strong stances on controversial religious and educational issues due to the unity image required under the unity government.

Their boldness only resurfaces when confronting MCA President Datuk Seri Dr Wee Ka Siong in a collective move.

In the last party election, Tan Kok Wai transitioned from chairman to advisor. If Guan Eng manages to hold his ground in this election and follows Tan’s example, he could preserve his family’s dignity while continuing to serve as a vocal advocate for national issues, thereby maintaining DAP’s standing and his high-profile position.

The sensitivity surrounding the chairman’s position largely stems from the fact that the five-member candidate selection committee must allocate a seat to the chairman.

If Guan Eng insists on holding on to this power, controlling the fate of election candidates, his approach in the Penang state election may indicate a challenging road ahead for the national general election.

This could complicate Nga Kor Ming and Loke’s vision of a “golden decade” for the party, making it difficult to achieve the seamless success they hope for.